After having seen the first season for the second time, it turns out that The Wire is still the sort of thing small blogs (well, this blog, which with great faith in its origins has remained small) rave about. It's the sort of show that doesn't offer its viewers any solace in neat solutions. By the end of the first season, after the detail's love emma been taken off the case, handed in its gun and badge and forced to take care of any loose ends - showing us a medium in which drama conforms to real-life constraints, rather than the other way round - only a portion of what McNulty and Daniels had hoped to achieve has been. In fact, we get the impression that the case has taken as much out of the detail as it has the Barksdale organisation, which, due to failure to prosecute Stringer Bell, is still running.
The reason for the detail having been shut down was its insistence on 'following the money'; Leicester Freamon, who already ended up in the emma unit for thirteen years for not respecting the chain of command, used the detail to go after corrupt politicians and developers. Of course, money in Baltimore is rarely clean - "sheeeit, I'll take any motherfucker's money if he givin' it away" quips Senator Davis later on - and even as the subpoenas are being issued, politicians hurry to return money they can't trace to legitimate sources. They're shaken up, and the resulting Emma is cool pressure on the Police Department results in the detail being dismantled. This, of course, just as the detail comes to realise that the Barksdale organisation has a great deal of power and influence in city planning, and has hopes of using the funding from the heroin and cocaine racket to invest further in development.
This is the American Dream taken to its logical conclusion - in a city where economic activity has slowed to a crawl and the easiest option open to new investors is drug running, that's where the money will come from and that's what will influence its policy. Politicians, like any other people, are vulnerable to human temptations and money talk yo.
Sunday, March 21, 2010
Sunday, March 7, 2010
Statistically Speaking
The word 'statistics' comes from a German school - established before the birth of Laplace - of treating demographic trends (initially just collecting them, which at the time was immensely novel - interpreting data and making projections would come later, and with great controversy - what hubris to presume that a mathematician had any real insight into God's ineffable plan! What black magic!) as a separate branch of study. The word 'statistics' basically means 'the study of states'; the recognition and (God help us) interpretation of national trends.
Baltimore isn't, strictly speaking, a state. It's in a state, possibly more than one (track two), but the statistics we're shown in the Wire almost all pertain to Baltimore as a whole. Whether they deal with crime or education - whether they deal with the murder rate or dropout rate or conviction rate or pass rate, they're basically the only means that the city's legislature has of assessing progress, or lack thereof. The system, of course, is tragically flawed; it wouldn't have been included by David Simon if it weren't. Individual police departments and schools are encouraged to 'duke the stats', in Roland Pryzbylewskey's word's, 'turning robberies into larcenies, assaults into petty infractions.' In other words, creating statistics for the sake of having statistical proof of improvement in policing, rather than actually improving the standard of service and protection the police force is able to dish out.
All this would be bad enough even if David Simon didn't address the fundamental removal from reality that crime statistics represent. No career politician or even senior police official has any real impression of what the worst parts of Baltimore are like beyond the impression statistics convey. If arrests are up, enforcement is up. If the number of thefts is down, they aren't being replaced by a huge increase in larceny, they're down, period. We're shown here how easy it is for a municipal body to avoid seriously dealing with an issue and instead offer cosmetic solutions; a wig fund for terminal cancer kids is infinitely cheaper than research grants, and brings in similar PR results as long as the oncologists keep their damn dirty mouths shut.
Baltimore isn't, strictly speaking, a state. It's in a state, possibly more than one (track two), but the statistics we're shown in the Wire almost all pertain to Baltimore as a whole. Whether they deal with crime or education - whether they deal with the murder rate or dropout rate or conviction rate or pass rate, they're basically the only means that the city's legislature has of assessing progress, or lack thereof. The system, of course, is tragically flawed; it wouldn't have been included by David Simon if it weren't. Individual police departments and schools are encouraged to 'duke the stats', in Roland Pryzbylewskey's word's, 'turning robberies into larcenies, assaults into petty infractions.' In other words, creating statistics for the sake of having statistical proof of improvement in policing, rather than actually improving the standard of service and protection the police force is able to dish out.
All this would be bad enough even if David Simon didn't address the fundamental removal from reality that crime statistics represent. No career politician or even senior police official has any real impression of what the worst parts of Baltimore are like beyond the impression statistics convey. If arrests are up, enforcement is up. If the number of thefts is down, they aren't being replaced by a huge increase in larceny, they're down, period. We're shown here how easy it is for a municipal body to avoid seriously dealing with an issue and instead offer cosmetic solutions; a wig fund for terminal cancer kids is infinitely cheaper than research grants, and brings in similar PR results as long as the oncologists keep their damn dirty mouths shut.
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